Cote d'Ivoire president
The meeting was called to order at 3.30 p.m.
Address by Mr. Boris Yeltsin, President of the Russian Federation
The Assembly will first hear an address by the President of the Russian Federation.
Mr. Boris Yeltsin, President of the Russian Federation, was escorted into the General Assembly Hall.
On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Russian Federation, His Excellency Mr. Boris Yeltsin, and to invite him to address the Assembly.
At the very outset I would like to congratulate you, Mr. Amara Essy, on your election to the high post of President of the General Assembly at its current session. I view this as a sign of recognition of your country's authority in the international community.
The United Nations is approaching its fiftieth anniversary, and the entire world has grown older along with it. What is the world like nowadays? Has it become better? Has it become wiser? And, most important, what will the present generation leave behind to its successors?
No State, no people can be indifferent to these questions. Here in the United Nations we must find answers to them. This is particularly important for Russia. We are trying to understand what kind of world we want to live in, and exactly what kind of world we should spare no effort to build.
The new Russia was born in 1991 as a democratic State. Its birth was witnessed by the entire world.
For several years now we have been engaged in a tremendous, and painstaking task, the essence of which is to remove the legacy of totalitarianism and the cold war.
Freedom has come to Russia. The people have obtained fundamental civil rights long denied them. Profound economic reform is in progress in Russia. A free market economy is being put into effect. Thus, each of our new success stories reinforces Russian democracy.
Russia has decisively drawn a final line under the Second World War. Our forces have been withdrawn from Germany, Central Europe and the Baltic States. Of its own accord, and at great effort, Russia has removed any threat to the security of other States.
Furthermore, our country, through its own efforts, has promoted the end of confrontation in Europe, setting up new security structures there, not only for a select number, the chosen but for all. The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) should become a powerful driving force in that process.
We expect there to be more understanding on the part of our partners with regard to the problems of security in Russia. We count on their ability to overcome the old suspicion inherent in a world divided into blocs, suspicion that is now unjustified.
Russia is undergoing changes and regaining its identity, but in every respect it remains a great Power. Russia is ready for equal cooperation within the framework of the international community, which should in turn accept an active, open Russia.
We would like nuclear weapons and other kinds of weapons of mass destruction to cease to exist. Efficient control over the non-proliferation of the technologies for their production is imperative.
Russia needs a world without wars and armed conflicts and without environmental calamities. We favour the development of international economic ties without discrimination. Russia stands for a world capable of combating terrorism, drug-trafficking and other types of international crime.
To make such gigantic changes possible, efforts by all the Members of the United Nations will be required. There is no room for either soloists or supernumeraries.
Naturally, we cannot do without new relations between the two major nuclear Powers. I am convinced that the entire world has a vital stake in the establishment of a strategic partnership between Russia and the United States. I am ready for a serious and fruitful dialogue with President Bill Clinton, who today gave an optimistic forecast of our interaction.
Russia's economic and foreign-policy priorities lie in the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the former Republics of the Soviet Union. Russia's ties with them are closer than the traditional relations of good-neighbourliness; we have, rather, an extraordinary blood relationship. In virtually all the CIS countries today there is a growing desire for closer cooperation and a genuine, rather than merely proclaimed, integration. Its foundation will be good will and mutual benefit.
Attempts to use the contradictions between the CIS States for selfish ends are extremely short-sighted. Conflicts in a number of CIS countries threaten not only the security of our State, but also security at the regional and global levels.
We are acutely interested in the active participation of the world community in settling these difficult problems. However, the main peace-keeping burden in the territory of the former Soviet Union sits is being borne by the Russian Federation.
Our efforts have not been fruitless. A solid truce has already been established in Moldova. The peace process in Georgia is developing; hope of stopping the bloodshed in Nagorny Karabakh is already emerging and initial agreements on Tajikistan have also been reached.
Everybody knows how difficult life is for millions of Russians in newly independent States; it is not a time for complacency. Once they were in their own home, but now they are guests - and not always welcome ones.
We cannot remain indifferent to the fate of our countrymen. I an not referring to special rights or privileges. But the people in Russia will not understand if I do not state here and now that the democratic States have to prove through their actions that guaranteeing human rights is indeed the cornerstone of their foreign policy. And in this area neither a selective approach nor double standards are permissible.
Two years ago the General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the rights of national minorities. At this session we propose to come to an agreement on the principles of that Declaration being embodied in the legislation of all United Nations Member States.
Russia makes no distinction between settling its problems and the problems of others. That is why we particularly highly value what is done within the United Nations.
The world is now at a crossroads. The tragedy of the struggle of two opposing blocs is finally over. The delicate balance based on power, fear and mutual intimidation has disappeared for ever.
But the world is still not stable. The changes that are taking place entail not only hopes for a better future, but also profound anxieties.
It is not only Russia that is trying to respond to the emerging challenges. To a certain degree, the united Germany, Japan, the United States and other countries of the West face the same problem. The same applies equally to many countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
The fundamental changes in international relations are accompanied by the emergence of new problems. More and more countries see strengthening the effectiveness of inter-State structures as the solution. At the same time, this does not always prevent an increase in the activity of those who hold separatist and nationalist aspirations.
A veritable floodgate of regional and local conflicts, national, tribal and religious enmity and economic, social and political confrontations has been opened wide. The bleeding wound in Bosnia has not healed. It is a tragic paradox that in the wake of the cold war in Europe hotbeds of war have flared up there anew.
The unprecedented tragedy in Rwanda resounds painfully in the hearts of all people. This has proved to be a defeat for us all.
But let us look around. Are there not other parts of the world where more refined and civilized unlawful actions are being taken against national and cultural minorities? Are their rights and their security not threatened? Have racism and anti-Semitism disappeared? Is there no longer any discrimination against those who are categorized as non-indigenous?
When aggressive nationalism is made into State policy it is a grave danger for all mankind.
These problems are all the more urgent today because the threat of local conflicts has not waned.
Each of these conflicts could cause a veritable avalanche of geopolitical changes all over the world.
The cold war is over, but its material infrastructure - the mountains of arms and the military-industrial complexes of the developed countries - still remain. The spread of nuclear weapons could make them into instruments of terror. Huge amounts of weapons have been dumped onto international markets. Unfortunately, vested interests frequently prevail over the awareness of the danger implicit in this process. In fact, this is nothing but an arms race that has simply been transferred to the developing countries through the market.
The worsening ecological crisis and the proliferation of AIDS (acquired immunodeficiency syndrome) and other dangerous diseases are also realities at the close of this twentieth century.
The lessons of history can be learned only with great difficulty. Obsession with the idea of supremacy is extremely dangerous. The pathological failure to accept something different has time and again resulted in numerous ethnic and religious problems and conflicts. The fear of open political territory wind up once again with a "cordon sanitaire" or "iron curtain".
Let us be honest: equality, partnership, mutual benefit and cooperation still remain, to a large extent, words used to cover State egotism. Such a situation indicates an urgent need to develop a solid system of security on the basis of principles and mechanisms of cooperation on the part of everyone, and a need for the reform of international institutions. Such a system should be in keeping with the new conditions that now prevail and should function under the auspices of the United Nations.
As a specific contribution towards the establishment of such a system, I would propose the following measures.
First, we must speed up the negotiations on the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty. Russia advocates the signing of this treaty next year, when we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations. We should also give thought to further steps to limit Russian and American strategic nuclear weapons in order to make it possible eventually to renounce the inherited "balance of terror" based on mutual nuclear deterrence.
Secondly, we must extend non-proliferation measures to cover weapons of mass destruction. Next spring, when the Conference of the States Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons takes place, it is essential to adopt a decision to the effect that the treaty should be open-ended and of unlimited duration. No one has the right to deny this. In this context, we believe that the non-nuclear-weapon States will need to be given additional and more precise security assurances. We propose the holding in the near future of a special meeting of the Security Council, at the Foreign Minister level, to coordinate and adopt a new resolution on so-called "positive" security assurances.
Thirdly, we should launch a multilateral debate on the issues with regard to the regulation of the international traffic in weaponry and military equipment. Moreover, there is an urgent need for all nuclear-weapon States to participate in the process of the control and limitation of nuclear weapons. We propose that a treaty on nuclear security and strategic stability be elaborated by the five nuclear-weapon States. Such a treaty could provide for cessation of the production of fissionable materials for military purposes, for prohibition of the recycling of fissionable materials for weapons purposes and for further elimination of nuclear weapons and the reduction of their means of delivery.
Fourthly, it would be advisable to open discussions on regional programmes to strengthen peace and security. Regional security systems are being formed even now: I am thinking particularly of the treaty on collective security between the members of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) of the former Soviet Union. We believe that at the present stage that the United Nations could direct its efforts towards coordinating the process of building up regional security systems.
Finally, the experience of recent years demonstrates that the renunciation of the arms race is a complicated and highly expensive process. Conversion of the military industry gives rise to extremely difficult economic and social problems that have to be dealt with, particularly as they relate to the elimination of chemical and bacteriological weapons. In this context, it is important to pool the efforts of the international community. Such cooperation among States would help to enhance the level of mutual trust. In 1996, it might be possible to hold a conference, under the auspices of the United Nations, on international cooperation in the field of conversion.
Implementation of these measures will enable us to substantially stabilize the situation in the world. However, from the long-term point of view, these measures will not be sufficient.
The former purely military understanding of the concept of "security" has today become obsolete. The range of problems faced by mankind is much wider than it was. The modern definition of security is inseparable from the notion of stable development.
The world is urgently in need of a strategy for the twenty-first century - a strategy of mutual responsibility. The most important points of reference for such a strategy could be defined as follows:
- Stable economic and social development, not only for individual regions and States but, indeed, for the entire planet as a single entity.
People themselves must assume the responsibility of carrying out this immense task;
- The renunciation of diktat by the powerful vis-à-vis the weak. Any country, whether large or small, should be aware of its responsibility for the maintenance of order based on law and morality;
- The unconditional recognition of human rights, including the rights of national minorities. In view of the great diversity of cultures, traditions and the historical experience of countries and peoples, fundamental human rights are a universal value and we cannot permit them to be devalued;
- Strengthening the ecological security of mankind. The world is now facing a most serious crisis because of the deficit of resources, deterioration of the natural environment, and many other negative trends. Common sense and the instinct for survival tell us to stop exploiting our depleting resources to the detriment of nature, society and mankind. Russia supports the programme on Global education and observation to preserve the environment. Moreover, this programme is entirely consistent with the strategy of shared responsibility. We intend to participate actively in its implementation.
At the same time, I should like to emphasize that only a profound understanding, on the part of each participant in international cooperation, of his or her individual responsibility can engender a common sense of responsibility for the world situation.
To paraphrase a well known expression we could say that the United Nations is a good idea whose time has finally come. I should like in particular to note the great personal contribution of the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, to the cause of advocating peace and settling regional conflicts.
If the United Nations is to achieve maximum effectiveness in the twenty-first century, it must undergo a well-thought-out reform.
Obviously, changes will be required both at Headquarters and in the functioning of the specialized agencies. Also, it will be impossible to avoid changes in the Security Council, which should remain sufficiently compact and an effective functioning body. This is especially important because, according to the Charter, the Security Council bears primary responsibility for supporting and maintaining world peace and security.
We have to strike a new balance of law, morality and force in world politics. The United Nations could play a decisive role in these efforts in accordance with the Charter.
Russia stands ready, as provided in Article 43 of the Charter, to enter into an agreement with the Security Council to make available national military contingents for United Nations operations. If a sufficient number of other States follows this lead, then it could be possible to go ahead with the realization of the concept of United Nations stand-by forces.
The Military Staff Committee has already been formally in existence for several decades. According to the Charter its function is "to advise and assist the Security Council on all questions relating to the Security Council's military requirements". Let them finally do just that.
The pertinent task now will be to work out a strategy of peace-keeping, conflict and crisis prevention and, if necessary, operations on peace enforcement.
Through specific actions, Russia has shown support for United Nations efforts aimed at setting up efficient mechanisms of response to humanitarian emergencies. We stand ready to cooperate with all countries anxious to reinforce the capability of the world community to produce a rapid humanitarian response.
Because the problems we are increasingly encountering are multifaceted, they require adequate solutions. The question is not about who should enjoy more rights - the United Nations, the regional structures or States. The future world system can be truly durable only if it is possible to find efficient and effective mechanisms to address problems at all levels - national, regional and global. Sharing responsibility will make it possible for the United Nations to remain flexible and a pragmatic and effective structure and enable it to focus its efforts on the solution of the genuinely key problems faced by mankind.
Russia believes that these are all fundamental issues that have a direct bearing on the fate of the world community. Both the authority of the United Nations and the future of world politics as a whole will depend on the way these issues are dealt with.
People have always sought stability, happiness and prosperity. But history provides evidence of the fact that these goals cannot be achieved with the help of brute force alone. Once again we become acutely aware of this fact now that we are approaching a sacred date for mankind: the fiftieth anniversary of the end of the Second World War and the restoration of peace.
Let us remember with gratitude those who gave their lives for this great victory. Let 1995 become the universal year of commemoration of the victims of the Second World War.
For the sake of those living and those who have not yet been born, we must preserve peace and establish stability on our planet. Mankind should finally feel that it is at home, a home which is both kind and reliable.
Our civilization has always been varied. It is precisely in the variety of cultures, traditions and values that the possibility of development is basically found.
At this time, we have reached a stage when different interests and aspirations of peoples can be achieved only through cooperation among them.
The world community should make every possible effort to ensure that its policies are embodied in the new thinking about the influence of States, national pride and patriotism.
The United Nations is a child of the world. Fifty years ago when the Second World War was in progress, it became abundantly clear that the future of mankind is to be found in the realm of cooperation and tolerance rather than aggression and hatred.
Cooperation and tolerance are prerequisites for the next century.
This is the most important condition for there to be a worthy future for our planet.
This is a unique opportunity that has been given to the human race.
I believe that the United Nations, in fulfilment of its general responsibility, will not allow us to pass it up, and I hope that the great dream of peace to which all peoples and States aspire to will take its due place in the life of our planet.
. On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Russian Federation for the statement he has just made.
Mr. Boris Yeltsin, President of the Russian Federation, was escorted from the General Assembly Hall.
Address by Mr. Ernesto Samper Pizano, President of the Republic of Colombia
The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Colombia.
Mr. Ernesto Samper Pizano, President of the Republic of Colombia, was escorted into the General Assembly Hall.
On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of Colombia, His Excellency Mr. Ernesto Samper Pizano, and to invite him to address the Assembly.
It is a great honour for me, as President of Colombia, to speak in the General Assembly, which, as the Organization reaches the fiftieth anniversary of its establishment, remains the principal forum for the discussion of topics of concern to mankind and for the search for peaceful solutions to its distressing problems.
Fifty years ago, when the United Nations system was created, the world hoped that the spectre of war was finally being laid to rest. But lack of understanding between nations, ideological fanaticism and the politics of force led to the world's polarization into two antagonistic blocs. For many years, the cold war put on ice the hopes held at the beginning for developing a world-wide system of coexistence. Such coexistence reappears today when we see a black person at the helm of South Africa; when we see Palestinians and Jews discussing fruit groves in the hills of the Golan; and when we see all Berliners drinking good Colombian coffee on the spot where the wall of infamy once stood.
Before the end of this century, we shall have to strive to resolve peacefully the most important conflict to outlive the cold war: the conflict with the brotherly Republic of Cuba.
We now have the happy opportunity of reviving the spirit of the San Francisco Charter and of reinitiating the deferred task of building a new world system based on solidarity, respect for the self-determination of peoples and the real search for better living conditions for all - as was stated a few years ago before the General Assembly, by a distinguished Colombian, Indalecio Liévano Aguirre, in his capacity as its President.
The history of the 1990s must not be one more record of the frustration of our aspirations to peace, well-being and justice. Our objective can be nothing less than the human person. Our actions must be directed towards the struggle against poverty and for the attainment of social justice. Our commitment is to make the arbitrary use of power and abuses of human rights things of the past.
But this task - this vital task - is not free of threats. Neoprotectionism threatens the free-trade prospects of developing countries. It is true that tariff protectionism has come to an end, but a new and dangerous form of protectionism is now emerging: non-tariff protectionism: barriers to the export of plants and vegetables, customs barriers, quotas, anti-dumping clauses, social clauses, the rationale of "reasons of State", and fears of losing elections. We developing countries are no longer struggling against the barbed wire of hostile tariff barriers: we are struggling against an army of invisible enemies moved by the most diverse interests and systematically opposed to the rhetorical aspiration to free trade - an aspiration that would seem to have something in common with our feelings about paradise: we all want to get there, but not quite yet.
Impoverishment is another threat. Granted, we are all committed to the openness of our economies, but that must not mean that we can ignore the need to manage the obvious social costs. Unemployment, the postponement of social investment programmes and neglect of the living conditions of the rural population can ultimately delegitimize in vast regions of the world - this, at least, is true of Latin America - the efforts made over many years to democratize our political systems. The only thing more serious than poverty is impoverishment, and it is beginning to make itself felt in many parts of the world. Either we leaders renew our commitment to the people or the social costs of economic change will in the end destroy our achievements in political consolidation.
Finally, there is the threat of the formation of blocs. The development of economic blocs runs counter to the idea of a world based on the democratic rules of free trade for all on an equal footing. What is at stake today is not the exchange of goods and services but rather the exchange of the means necessary to produce those goods and services.
Selective appropriation of the means of production puts those of us in the developing countries in the worst of worlds. We do not have the means of production nor do we have fair access to them, but we do have the arduous responsibility of competing on an equal footing with the world's most industrialized countries.
It is not a matter of repeating the third-world litany of complaints and demands. The point here is to define new rules that can enable us to gain access to technology and to finance our infrastructures on favourable terms, that can enable us to reach acceptable levels of competitiveness, that can enable us to break with dependency on the cartels of service companies and to buy market outlets in a world where what counts and what is important is not producing, but selling.
That aspiration to develop new conditions that can enable us to play a vital role within the new spectrum of world forces must take the shape of a new development model for our countries, an alternative model which I should like to discuss with you this afternoon in this Hall.
I am speaking of an alternative model that will be an alternative to the protectionist system of the 1960s, for the globalization of the economy requires not only open and competitive economies but an alternative to the neoliberalism that irresponsibly leaves it to the market to correct all imbalances.
I am speaking of an alternative to the old assistance populism, for there must be social change based on economic criteria, and for an alternative to fierce capitalism, which sets up the rule of every man for himself as a form of social selectionism.
I am speaking of an alternative to the blind criteria of public interventionism as well as an alternative to attempts to sell out the State to the highest self-interested bidders, to the Government abandoning its own responsibilities with regard to the unprotected masses.
I am speaking of an alternative to anachronistic concepts of representative democracy but also of an alternative for meeting attempts to reduce the free play of democracy to sterile confrontation between private interests.
The objective of this alternative model, the model of the South, should be the establishment of a new and more productive citizen in the economy, a citizen who participates to a greater degree in politics and who is more supportive in the social sphere.
Words and phrases like "social investment", "good government", "agricultural development" , "competitiveness", "harmonization" and "gradualness" are all part of a new alternative vocabulary that will enable us to speak the language of a new identity, of our own identity as countries seeking our own way.
The new model of development, if it is to be genuine and not simply an abstraction, must take into account some basic elements.
First, it must allow for the modernization of our productive structures. We gain nothing if we continue to open markets when we have nothing to sell, because we produce nothing or very little.
Modernization goes hand in hand with the development of an adequate infrastructure of transportation and communications and the optimum use of energy sources.
We must develop new conditions of productivity, especially in the field of technology, and adopt more efficient and environmentally sustainable production processes. The world today is not divided between the haves and the have-nots but, rather, between those who know and those who do not, and we, the developing countries, are among those who lack knowledge. We must buy, develop and assimilate new technologies.
Secondly, there is the concept of social solidarity. Our greatest challenge in this sphere is to give legitimacy to a new economic system through real social-development proposals. Investing in the human being is the best business. Investment in health, education and housing is highly profitable, not only in social terms but - especially - in economic terms.
Thirdly, in addressing those two great revolutions of competitiveness and solidarity it is necessary to change the ideas of those who today act as agents of the economic process.
What should the role of Government be? Above and beyond the dilemma of privatization or nationalization, the dilemma of whether or not to reduce the size of Government, it is imperative that Government work, and that it do so honestly. Good governance must be our goal in reforming Government.
Good Government means building a new type of Government, one that promotes efficiency. It means the training of technically skilled bureaucracies. It means transparency and the streamlining of administrative procedures in such a way that the roots of corruption are extirpated. It means administrative decentralization and citizen participation, and it means the organizing of civil society on bases other than the old contradictions between capital and labour.
Fourthly, and lastly, we must bear in mind that this process is occurring in the context of the globalization of the world economy and of interindependence among peoples. The principal problems affecting every country today are no longer merely national in nature; they are global, and for that reason they require the coordinated action of all nations.
The new cooperation the international community requires is based on adjusting domestic policies to global objectives within a framework of respect for the sovereignty of States, the principles of international law and domestic legislation. Only if we can attain a new concept of cooperation will we avoid the pitfall of interventionism, which threatens to make its way through the open door of interdependence and globalization. Cooperation, as an alternative to intervention, is the route that can ensure for the community of nations the fulfilment of its aspirations for peace and stability.
I come from Colombia, a country that respects international law and the principles that ensure peaceful coexistence; a country that has placed its faith in Latin American and Caribbean integration; a country with a dynamic Constitution and an economy sound as few others in Latin America; a country that is moving forward thanks to the sacrifices and steadfast labour of its people, creative people avid for progress and imbued with a sense of the magic of life about which García Márques, our Nobel laureate, has written; a country searching for peace because it so loves life.
The times we are now living in are times of crisis, but also of opportunities. In Colombia we have had to learn to live with terrible difficulties, always inspired by the biblical invitation to maintain a vision as a people in order to prevail as a nation.
I know that some here must have asked themselves why I have not referred in this speech to the problem with which my country is everywhere associated: the problem of drug trafficking. I have not done so because in Colombia we believe that we are entitled to be recognized by other, positive factors: those that identify us as an honest, hard-working people that offers respect to friendly countries and expects respect in return.
Of course, we have struggled and will continue to struggle out of conviction, while paying a high price to fight the scourge of mankind that is drug trafficking. But I must confess that we sometimes feel alone in this task. We feel alone when we see the drug consumption rates increase in countries that request our help to defeat a problem whose origins and consequences concern all of us. We feel alone, very much alone, when we see mayors who are avowed chronic drug users elected by popular vote. We feel alone when, after extensive efforts to eradicate illicit crops, the doors are closed to us when it comes to selling exactly those products that we have managed to cultivate, with great effort, as alternative crops.
Therefore, in the midst of this lonely struggle that has left many victims dead in the fields, a struggle of which I count myself a fortunate survivor, what many of us want is for Colombia to be looked at from a different perspective - that it be recognized for the soundness of its economy, that Colombia be taken into account when it comes to investment decisions. We want those present here to get to know the Colombian people - my people. We want visitors to see our country so that many more people the world over will be as much in love with my country as are those of us who were born, who live and who will die in that privileged corner of Latin America - Colombia.
On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Colombia for the statement he has just made.
Mr. Ernesto Samper Pizano, President of the Republic of Colombia, was escorted from the General Assembly Hall.
Address by Mrs. Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, President of the Republic of Nicaragua
The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Nicaragua.
Mrs. Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, President of the Republic of Nicaragua, was escorted into the General Assembly Hall.
On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of Nicaragua, Her Excellency Mrs. Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, and to invite her to address the Assembly.
I should like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to occupy the presidential chair of the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations on behalf of Africa.
Despite the great difficulties we are experiencing today, we can see encouraging signs for the future. The great progress made during the preparatory work for the World Summit for Social Development and the World Conference on Women gives rise to new hope for the creation of a new international order.
Our countries and our Organization face new challenges that require creative and innovative responses if we are to make progress and avoid the danger of reversing the headway that has been made since the end of the cold war.
When I began my term of office in 1990, I faced the enormous task of rescuing my country from war and restoring faith in democracy to thousands of Nicaraguans. I had a great dream: that we the peoples that had been able to free ourselves from dictatorships of one kind or another could unite and help one another, reconstructing democracy in our countries, and that all of us together could then begin a great march away from totalitarian and authoritarian forms of government towards democracy.
In July my dream became reality when the Second International Conference of New or Restored Democracies was held in Managua, with participants, observers, special guests and international organizations from more than 70 countries from four continents.
In the Managua declaration, representatives to this Second International Conference expressed their conviction that democracy is the only system that allows for a free, firm and steadfast union of nations for peace. We also agreed that the consolidation of democratic processes was a key factor in guaranteeing peace and international security.
The Managua declaration clearly establishes the essential ties between democracy and social and economic development, and between democracy and citizen participation.
It should also be stressed that the Managua Declaration states the following: that the future of the new and restored democracies as well as the future of peace are linked to the international community's response to such matters as external debt, protectionism in developed countries, insufficient concessional funds available for development, poverty, and the impact on low-income groups of economic adjustment processes.
The plan of action approved by the Conference promotes modalities for cooperation that take into account the particular features of the new or restored democracies and the promotion of internal commitments in each country to strengthen democracy. In Nicaragua we have already created a permanent forum for democracy and peace in which wide sectors of the civilian population participate.
On behalf of the new or restored democracies, I would like to take this opportunity to make a request of the United Nations Secretary-General that, in accordance with the established procedures and during this session of the General Assembly, a decision be taken to undertake a study on the ways in which the United Nations could support the efforts of Governments to consolidate new or restored democracies.
I would like to appeal to the countries represented here to give special attention to the difficulties we are now facing during this fragile transition process, as we are attempting to consolidate democracy; we appeal to them to support our efforts and the commitments made in our plan of action.
We cannot allow our dreams and the great sacrifices and suffering of millions of people who struggled for liberty to be in vain.
It is with great sadness that we see the gap between rich and poor countries dangerously increasingly rather than diminishing. According to the United Nations report on human development, more than one billion people in the world are still languishing in abject poverty. In 1960, the richest 20 per cent of the world's population had an income 30 times greater than that of the poorest 20 per cent. By 1990, the gap had deepened: by then the richest 20 per cent had incomes 60 times greater and 20 per cent of humanity receives 80 per cent of the world's income.
As pointed out in this year's report on human development, in places where world trade is entirely free and open, those benefiting are in general the strongest. Developing countries enter the market as unequal partners and end up with unequal rewards.
A large percentage of the new or restored democracies are to be found among the poorest countries. As a consequence, they are excluded from the benefits of development. We must all work together to change this situation.
Today Central America is one of the best examples of the new wave of democracy. Democracy is now established is all of our countries. In less than a year, we have had four free elections in our region that produced new Governments. Respect for civil and political rights has been strengthened; conditions which enable more people to enjoy economic, social and cultural rights have been created and civil power is prevailing over military power. Respect for and protection of human rights is increasing. We are gradually becoming a region of peace, liberty, democracy and development.
Next October, the Central American countries will sign the Alliance for Sustainable Development. This Alliance is a major effort at the political, social, economic and environmental levels to create a new and improved development model which can preserve the resources and way of life of future generations in Central America.
Once again, I would like to thank organizations and countries that have provided continuous and valuable support to Nicaragua and Central America. They have made resources available, and have helped find new and efficient solutions for establishing and consolidating peace while achieving sustainable human development. We are certain that this spirit of cooperation will be manifested once again at the International Conference on Peace and Development in Central America, to be held in Honduras.
Last year, before the General Assembly, I made a detailed presentation on the political and economic situation of my country, and about our real prospects. My country has made great efforts to attain a macroeconomic balance and at the same time establish a firm foundation for sustainable development.
We have made substantial progress in the last four years in improving public finance. We have significantly reduced inflation, re-established relations with foreign-debt holders and multilateral agencies, and implemented structural adjustment reforms.
The success of this difficult programme and the attainment of sustainable development will depend, to a large extent, on our ability to promote production and investment, to increase employment and improve the quality of life for our people, and on the quality of the international support we receive.
In order to consolidate and deepen the democratic process in Nicaragua, this September I approved the law on military organization. This new law clearly establishes that the armed forces are subordinate to civil power. The armed forces have now been transformed into a small, non-partisan, efficient body, appropriate to the transition period in Nicaraguan society.
In compliance with the General Assembly resolution declaring the celebration of this year as the International Year of the Family, we have established a national commission to coordinate the efforts of different government and social agencies to support the family as the main nucleus of society and the main agent for the transmission and development of values such as the common good, equality and mutual respect.
Within the framework of the strengthening of the family, I wish to reiterate once again our commitment to giving the highest priority to the protection and development of children. We made this commitment at the World Summit for Children in September 1990.
Also, taking into account our commitment to respect for, and to the observance of, human rights, my Government will create an office of ombudsman in Nicaragua.
As we approach the next millennium, humanity still faces critical questions that threaten our societies and our development. We cannot, however, deny that substantial advances are being made to remove the main sources of conflict that linger in various continents.
For this reason we welcome with great satisfaction the signing of the agreements concluded between the Governments of Israel and of Jordan and between Israel and Palestine. This will help to improve security and stability in the Middle East.
At the same time, we welcome the efforts being made to reach a lasting peace in Northern Ireland.
Nicaragua rejoices greatly in the inauguration of the new democratic and non-racist Government in South Africa. This augurs well for a new era of prosperity and peace for the whole population of that brotherly country and for southern Africa.
We support the strengthening of democracy in Mozambique. Thus Nicaraguans will participate in the United Nations mission to observe next October's elections.
It is still necessary to promote new international initiatives in the search for a definitive political solution to the situation in the former Yugoslavia and to the sad events in Rwanda that continue so to shake the world's conscience. This requires wider and stronger mechanisms for humanitarian protection, as well as for regional security.
I should like to make special mention of the crisis in Haiti. Nicaragua welcomes with satisfaction the diplomatic way out and the negotiated solution to the Haitian crisis. All available peaceful means should be used to guarantee reconciliation among the long-suffering people of Haiti, as well as and the re-establishment of constitutional order.
Finally, we believe that, within the new international order, it is necessary for the United Nations to recognize the rights of the Republic of China in Taiwan, within the framework of universal participation and respect for human rights.
I feel sure that the future will not conceal from us the great difficulties that humanity still faces. We must work together, with what we have at hand, to make this world a more dignified place for all of us, regardless of race, creed or political belief, to live in.
Next year we shall celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. We hope that the Security Council, at its summit meeting of Heads of State to be held in New York on that occasion, will adopt some important decisions, particularly with regard to restructuring of the Security Council to provide for equitable geographical representation and an increase in the number of members.
I wish, on behalf of the people of Nicaragua and on behalf of the new or restored democracies that participated in the conference in Managua, to reaffirm our deep commitment to contributing to the development of a world society inspired by progress, liberty, democracy and peace.
On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Nicaragua for the statement she has just made.
Mrs. Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, President of the Republic of Nicaragua, was escorted from the General Assembly Hall.
Address by Mr. Armando Calderón Sol, President of the Republic of El Salvador
The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of El Salvador.
Mr. Armando Calderón Sol, President of the Republic of El Salvador, was escorted into the General Assembly Hall.
On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of El Salvador, His Excellency Mr. Armando Calderón Sol, and to invite him to address the Assembly.
I wish, on behalf of the people and the Government of El Salvador, to express sincerest congratulations to you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its current session. It will certainly result in a positive outcome to the international community's efforts to find a solution to the major challenges of today's world. We are certain that your skills and your diplomatic experience will enable us to realize the noble principles and objectives enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.
We wish to express our appreciation to the Ambassador of Guyana, Mr. Samuel Insanally, for the dynamic and successful work that he accomplished during his term as President of the Assembly at its forty-eighth session.
It is with particular pleasure that we reiterate our gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his work at the head of the Organization, and especially for his efforts to cooperate with and to assist the people and the Government of El Salvador in the process of consolidating peace.
May I begin with a brief personal reference. This is not the first time that I have had the honour of being here at the United Nations. We had the privilege of participating in the difficult and fruitful negotiations that culminated in the New York Accord at midnight on 31 December 1991 which cleared the way for the signing of the Peace Accords in Mexico on 16 January 1992. Later, in May of this year, as President Elect I had the opportunity to reiterate to the Secretary-General our total political will and firm commitment to complying strictly with all the peace agreements before us. Today for the first time I am addressing the General Assembly as President of the Republic of El Salvador, pursuant to the mandate given by the people of El Salvador, and this fills us with satisfaction and pride.
In the field of international policy in recent years with the profound changes that have taken place in Eastern Europe and the end of East-West confrontation we are beginning to structure a new international order which has not yet been consolidated. None the less, new trends have taken shape at the global level in the political, economic and social spheres permitting great progress to take place which, in spite of the grave problems that persist, allow us to look to the future of mankind with optimism.
With the end of the cold war the concept of security ceased to rest primarily on the arms build-up, and that has curbed the rise in military expenditures. Democracy as a political system has been strengthened and continues to expand and gain strength at the world level. The global concept of development has also been closely linked to democracy, peace, respect for human rights, the protection of the environment, development and human security.
In the economic sphere changes have been geared towards the liberalization and globalization of the economy, generating a trend towards privatization which will reduce state interference in the activities of society and will foster the efficient use of resources for the collective benefit.
In the social sphere policies are being geared towards the training of human resources to foster personal fulfilment and combat the marginality in which a large part of the world's population lives. This situation is clearly reflected in the Human Development Report 1994.
We consider it appropriate to make a brief reference to the efforts being made by the world Organization in the quest for solutions and in the establishment of mechanisms to resolve problems of a general nature, creating greater opportunities for integral development which can promote the greater well-being of the human person.
In this respect the following are all events of profound significance and broad scope: the holding of the World Summit for Children, dealing with the rights of the child; the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development; the World Conference on Human Rights; the recent World Conference on Population and Development; and the decision to hold in 1995 the Fourth World Conference on Women and the World Summit for Social Development.
We support and are following with interest these international gatherings because the subjects that have been examined in the past and will be examined focus on a profound analysis of the variables and concepts related to human development; their interrelationships; the obstacles in the way of the desired objectives; and the agreement of Governments to meet those objectives in accordance with legislation, domestic programmes and national resources.
We cannot fail to mention the successes won by the United Nations in the search for international peace and security. The dynamic participation in conflict resolution - resolution of conflicts of an internal nature, including those related to the process of decolonization, as well as conflicts of an international nature - constitutes clear evidence of the fact that when States have the political will it is possible to arrive at rational solutions to existing problems.
In this respect we wish to affirm that, with a view to democratic plurality and the principle of universality that inspired the Charter of the United Nations, we reiterate our support for the admission of those emerging States that accept and comply with the norms of this Organization.
As an example of the successful work of the United Nations it is possible to mention South Africa, which is in the process of consolidating democracy under a multiracial Government; the solution of the conflict in our own country, El Salvador, which for a long time lived the tragedy of armed confrontation; the process of peacemaking in the fraternal Republic of Guatemala and the establishment of the United Nations mission to supervise the process that will restore harmony to the Guatemalan people; the fact that Mozambique is approaching the holding of free elections to choose, democratically, its authorities under the monitoring of the United Nations; the fact that Cambodia is now in a difficult period of transition towards the consolidation of democracy and reconstruction; and, in general, all those cases where the presence of the United Nations through peace-keeping forces means that the work of monitoring, observation and separation is being done to avoid military confrontation.
We note with concern that in spite of the effort made and resources devoted to promoting development at the world level the situation in most countries has not improved in the economic and social spheres and, in particular, in developing countries where extreme poverty, marginality, deficiencies in health services and education, unemployment and inequalities in income are, inter alia, the characteristics that prevail.
We believe that the objective of universal peace to achieve a more human world will be possible only if we have the conviction and the political will to establish a new model of development in which the ultimate goal must be the improvement of the living conditions of the human person: a new concept of cooperation, based on the democratization of international relations, without preconditions of any type, but with shared responsibilities for the reduction of poverty, the generation of opportunities, the creation of jobs, social integration and the openness of markets.
We are sincerely pleased by the continued compliance with peace commitments signed by the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, and the signing of the Washington declaration by Israel and Jordan, which constitute vital advances in the peace process in the Middle East.
We hope that these events will constitute encouragement so that other States that are directly involved and have interests in that region will become fully involved in the peace process that has begun, in order to establish a just, lasting and permanent peace for the benefit of the peoples of the region.
We wish to express our concern at the conflict that has caused so much bloodshed to the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and we sincerely hope that a negotiated solution will be found, involving respect for human rights and peaceful coexistence among the different ethnic groups of that important region.
The grave situation in Rwanda is also of concern to us and we hope that the struggle of that people will soon find a solution. We hope that that nation will find solutions to the problems afflicting it and we urge the international community to give its priority attention to that conflict.
In Latin America and the Caribbean, we cannot fail to make reference to the situations in Haiti and Cuba. Our Government welcomes the last-minute solution reached by the United States and the de facto government of Haiti, which made it possible to avoid a major armed intervention that would have greatly harmed the Haitian people. Once more it has been demonstrated that negotiation remains the right way to resolve differences, to ensure peaceful coexistence among peoples and to preserve international peace and security.
In respect to the situation in Cuba, El Salvador considers that it is the responsibility of that country's Government to create the proper conditions so that the Cuban people can freely exercise their individual political and economic rights. None the less, as a contribution towards avoiding the deepening of the economic and social crisis and the increase in tension resulting from immigration, as well as making it viable for Cuba to be reintegrated into the American community of nations, we believe that a frank and open dialogue between the Cuban Government and the countries of the region that are interested in helping resolve differences through political means should be encouraged.
We welcome with interest the Cuban Government's decision to invite the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit the country, as well as the announcement of its adherence to the Treaty the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America.
We would like to mention two important conferences in the Central American regional sphere. As developing countries, we understand social problems, especially those of us who have experienced armed conflicts, the result, in part, of the lack of social opportunities and appropriate programmes to create them. We know that the dimensions and the scope of sustainable development imply major responsibilities and make it necessary that there be greater solidarity, cooperation and harmonization among the countries of the Central American subregion.
For this reason, next October, in Nicaragua, we will hold a Central American ecological summit in which environment problems and the relationship between environment and development in our countries will be taken up. At the end of that month, we will hold, in Honduras, an international conference on peace and development, at which we will evaluate the progress made and the obstacles remaining in promoting the economic and social development of our peoples. We are also considering the need for the material and financial resources that are indispensable if we are to improve the economic and social conditions of our peoples.
In this connection, we are working to enhance and strengthen our democratic institutions in order to guarantee civil, political, economic and social rights, promoting the creative participation of civil society in the development process. We are committed to promoting human development to meet the basic needs of our population and overcome critical poverty. The efforts are based on a strategy of sustainable development that gives priority to investment in the social sphere.
In the Central American region, our fundamental interest is to raise the standard of living of our peoples in order to consolidate the progress we have made in the fields of democratization and peacemaking. We are confident that the international community, which is united in support of the peacemaking process in Central America, will not fail to attend the conference and give us its support and resolute cooperation so that Central America can be a region of peace, freedom, democracy and development.
Permit me to provide a summary of the specific situation in our own country, El Salvador, to describe the advances, the obstacles and the new challenges on the difficult path towards consolidating peace and democracy. It is important to emphasize that our Government's endeavours are firmly directed towards the implementation of the last stage of the agreements aimed at definitely consolidating peace, national reconciliation, the strengthening of the democratic model and the reconstruction of our country.
At the same time, we are focusing on resolving the new challenges confronting Salvadorian society in the post-war period, particularly with regard to public safety, the struggle against drug trafficking and organized crime, the eradication of corruption, improving and strengthening the judicial system in order to achieve prompt and complete justice, and full respect for human rights. We are also adopting measures aimed at reducing extreme poverty, improving the education and health systems, improving protection of the individual, protecting the environment and creating new opportunities. All this is being done in order to achieve greater well-being for the Salvadorian people as part of our major objective: achieving social peace.
With regard to implementation of the peace agreements, significant progress has been made this year in the area of public safety. We have given resolute support to the national civil police, and we will continue to do so in order to strengthen its efficiency and effectiveness by providing the necessary resources. We have also deployed the national civil police in all the country's departments, and we need to increase the number of police in order to confront post-war problems of public safety.
In the field of human rights, we are able to point with satisfaction to a considerable improvement in the respect and enjoyment of the fundamental rights and freedoms of Salvadorians. None the less, we must recognize in all honesty that, although some occurrences may be felt to have political underpinnings, most incidents have been linked to common crime. This is a social phenomenon that is on the rise in the post-war period.
In connection with those cases that allegedly have political motivation, we reiterate our Government's political will to support resolutely the strengthening of our national institutions that protect human rights, especially the attorney general for the defence of human rights, in order that, before the mandate of the United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador comes to an end, it will be fully able to play its proper role in this field.
During a recent visit of the independent expert of the United Nations Human Rights Commission, our Government submitted to him a proposal on the needs and requirements of the various national institutions, in order to improve the way they function in promoting and protecting human rights. We hope that this proposal will be supported by the members of that Commission.
In the field of the administration of justice, we would like to underscore the election, by consensus among the different political forces represented in the legislative assembly, of the new Supreme Court, which is composed of judges who have nothing to do with or answer to any partisan politics, thus ensuring its independence and impartiality.
The implementation of the commitments relating to the transfer of land, for programmes to reintegrate former combatants and for human settlements has not been brought to a standstill, although there have been some delays owing to the lack of documentation and information on the potential beneficiaries, as well as to financial constraints.
I take this opportunity to recall that the international community's offer of assistance in support of the peace agreements gave rise to great expectations in our country. A portion of the assistance has been provided, for which we are very grateful. But some of it has not yet materialized, and this puts the Government in a difficult situation and could cause unnecessary social tension.
The Secretary-General is aware of this situation and in his most recent report (S/1994/1000) to the Security Council on the situation in El Salvador observed that it was imperative that the Government and the international community find ways to finance the deficit of over $80 million as soon as possible, in order to implement certain programmes stemming from the peace agreements and to carry out outstanding commitments. Because of the delays, the Government of the Republic and the FMLN agreed on 19 May 1994 on rescheduling the most important outstanding agreements. This shows that the political will exists to continue and complete the fulfilment of the peace agreements.
In the social sphere, our objective as a Government is to create conditions that provide equal opportunities for all, from the time of conception, to enable everyone to achieve a higher level and quality of life. The strategy of our social programme is simultaneous implementation of short- and long-term programmes, combined with an economic policy that stimulates investment and job-creation. This stems from our conviction that there can be no economic development without social development, and vice versa, going hand in hand with steady progress in the fields of politics, justice and public safety.
Hence, in order to improve the living conditions of the neediest, we are carrying out social-support programmes for human development that include arrangements for rapidly bringing people into productive jobs. These programmes cover training, production incentives, care for mothers, children and the elderly, basic infrastructure, environmental health, recreation and sports.
We know that only long-term programmes can tackle the root causes of poverty. The Government has decided to undertake vast, profound reforms in the areas of health and education, to make them primary sources of investment in sustainable human development and social mobility.
We believe that these reforms, backed by greater budgetary appropriations for health and education, will make it possible drastically to reduce infant mortality, bring quality education to the remotest corners of our country and reduce illiteracy to the minimum by the year 2000.
We are convinced that one cannot speak of health comprehensively without considering the environment; most of the diseases that affect the poorest people are caused by contamination of the soil, aquifers and the air. Our Government is committed to the protection and recovery of the environment, for there can be no sustainable development if we do not protect our natural resources and halt the destruction of our environment.
The Government's social reforms include reform of the social security system; this seeks to create conditions for private participation in order to broaden coverage rapidly, with mechanisms by which individuals can pay into the system. We are improving social security to avert the suffering felt by many workers, who are doomed in their old age to being a burden on their families after a lifetime of work.
Since 1989 El Salvador has been making major changes to free and stabilize the economy, with notable results. Economic growth has been more than 5 per cent for each of the last three years. Inflation will stand at about 10 per cent this year and is estimated to fall into single digits next year. In the external sector, our current international reserves equal more than four months of imports, and the fiscal deficit, despite the demands imposed by the peace agreements, will be around 2 per cent of the gross domestic product in 1994.
These encouraging results enable us to look to the future with optimism. Our goal as a Government is equitably to transform growth into economic development, maintaining stability and generating trust in the productive sector. Hence, through sound economic policy we are seeking to stimulate domestic savings; here, reforms in the social security system will play a crucial role in the mobilization of resources.
We firmly believe that our country is rapidly becoming an attractive place for foreign investment. An important element in this connection was the adoption of a new labour code, agreed by workers and management and endorsed by the International Labour Organization. This represents fundamental progress.
It is clear, then, that El Salvador enjoys peace and democracy and is engaged in dizzying change. Although the progress has been great, we cannot deny that the road ahead of us is greater still. Progress makes us work even harder to broaden our opportunities and create social well-being.
This is an appropriate time to reiterate to the Secretary-General the gratitude of the Government and the people of El Salvador for the careful attention he has given to consolidating the process of peace in El Salvador. We wish also to express our thanks to the international community, which continues to stand by our side to bolster our democracy and the process of reconciliation of the Salvadorian people.
We can affirm with great satisfaction that our country's peace agreements are being implemented satisfactorily in accordance with the aspirations of the Salvadorian people, and that they can be an example for the solution of other conflicts. The achievement of peace among Salvadorians was the result of the unshakable resolve of our people, the support of the international community and the effective work of the United Nations and the Secretary-General.
In conclusion, we want to express our confidence that by the end of this forty-ninth session of the General Assembly the world's peoples will have found formulas for understanding and cooperation, so that mankind, under the banner of solidarity, will be successful in meeting the great challenges of the coming millennium.
On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of El Salvador for the statement he has just made.
Mr. Armando Calderón Sol, President of the Republic of El Salvador, was escorted from the General Assembly Hall.
Agenda item 9 (continued)
General debate
The next speaker is the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Norway, His Excellency Mr. Bjørn Tore Godal.
It is an honour for me to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to your high office.
As the United Nations approaches its fiftieth anniversary, its global agenda is more comprehensive than ever before. Norway welcomes this. We need and support an even stronger United Nations role in the peaceful settlement of disputes; preventive diplomacy and peace-keeping; the advocacy of human rights, including women's rights; and humanitarian aid, sustainable development and environmental protection. We wish to see this forty-ninth session of the General Assembly make tangible contributions towards improving the Organization's performance in all these important areas.
As we assemble this year, we can look back on concrete results in several areas following years of strong United Nations involvement. In particular, it is with deep satisfaction that we now welcome the newly elected Government of South Africa to this year's session of the General Assembly. This is a historic moment, both for South Africa and for the United Nations. I would like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the South African people. They have put a painful past behind them and have charted a new course.
Without the strong support of the United Nations, the democratization process in South Africa would undoubtedly have been slower. Norway's political and economic support for the democratic forces dates back to the 1960s and 1970s. We will continue to support the South African people by working with the democratically elected Government. A democratic, prosperous South Africa will have a positive impact on the whole African continent. Common security and cooperation can now replace front lines and confrontation. We hope that South Africa will be in a position to contribute substantially to conflict-resolution and peace-keeping.
The historic developments in South Africa have been paralleled in the peace process in the Middle East. Two weeks ago we observed the anniversary of the signing by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) of the Declaration of Principles, following talks in Oslo. During the past year the peace process has been further consolidated. It was a source of great satisfaction to us that, one year to the day after the signing, and once again in Oslo, the parties were able to iron out certain differences which had been obstructing the peace process. I would like to compliment both Israel and the PLO on their determination to follow through on the commitments they have made.
However, the commitment of the parties alone is not enough. The international community must shoulder its responsibilities, and I appeal urgently to Member States for contributions, especially to meet the short-term needs of the Palestinian Authority. In our capacity as Chair of the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee, we shall continue to work both with donor countries and with the parties themselves to ensure that the peace dividend benefits Palestinians in their daily lives.
In our view, the United Nations should take on new responsibilities with respect to channelling economic assistance to the Palestinians, especially to the Palestinian police force. The General Assembly must also address the new relationship that has developed between Israel and the Palestinians. Our deliberations and decisions on Middle East matters must reflect the new reality created by the parties themselves.
In Guatemala the peace process has now reached a turning point. The very active and constructive role played by the United Nations has led to significant advances at the negotiating table this year. Norway, as a member of the Group of Friends, would like to commend the Government of Guatemala, the URNG and the Guatemalan people on the important agreements signed in Puebla and in Oslo. We now urge the parties to keep up the momentum of the negotiating process. Norway will contribute to the human rights verification Mission to Guatemala. It is our hope that this Mission will encourage the parties to resume the peace negotiations without further delay.
In the former Yugoslavia the tragedy continues. Yet another chapter in the endless human suffering caused by the war is unfolding. Thousands of Muslims are being forced to leave their homes in Serb-held territory in north-eastern Bosnia, adding to the countless numbers from all groups that have been displaced during this conflict. Reports tell us of detention, rape and plunder. We appeal to the parties to the conflict to stop this senseless brutality, and we welcome last week's Security Council resolution which strongly condemns this practice. While we continue to press for a political settlement, we must keep up the humanitarian relief efforts for the victims of this meaningless conflict.
A lasting peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina can be achieved only by political means, not by military force. The Contact Group's proposal has our full support,and the Bosnian Serbs must be persuaded to accept this package deal. The decision made by the authorities of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) to sever all political and economic ties with the Bosnian Serbs is a step in the right direction. We welcome the initiative taken by the co-chairmen, Lord Owen and Thorvald Stoltenberg, to deploy an international mission on the border between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Norway has already contributed personnel and is also involved in the logistics of this operation. Security Council resolution 943 (1994) of 23 September 1994 on sanctions demonstrates, therefore, the resolve of the international community to press for a political settlement.
As we press for negotiated solutions both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Croatia, it is also incumbent on the outside world to do nothing that can prolong the conflict or cause it to escalate. The flow of arms into the former Yugoslavia must be halted. The arms embargo must not be lifted now, for this could have unforeseeable consequences and would certainly endanger the UNPROFOR troops and jeopardize humanitarian relief efforts.
Peace-keeping activities constitute the most important tool at the disposal of the United Nations for resolving conflicts and promoting peace. Norway advocates strengthening such functions. As Member States, we must be willing to enable the United Nations to do in the field what we profess to support in the conference rooms. Nearly 1 per cent of the entire Norwegian population has participated in peace-keeping operations.
It is important that the Organization's capability of conducting peace-keeping operations be continuously enhanced. At last year's session of the General Assembly, the Nordic countries presented an initiative to strengthen United Nations command and control capabilities in peace-keeping operations. I feel encouraged by the progress made on various related issues during the last 12 months. However, there is room for further improvement. These matters should be treated with some urgency.
Proper communication between the Security Council and the troop-contributing countries is particularly important. While we acknowledge the improvements already made in this respect, we still feel that further progress is needed. I propose that regular consultations and information-sharing be instituted between members of the Security Council, the troop-contributing countries and the Secretariat of the United Nations.
A new role for regional organizations in conflict resolution and securing peace is emerging, not only in Europe but also in other parts of the world. In Europe the European Union is playing an increasingly important role as it develops its political and economic contacts in an all-European context. Nothing could be more worthwhile than transforming Europe, the cradle of two world wars, into a continent with a solid framework of political, economic, social and cultural cooperation across the old divides. Hence, the European Union is shaping the future of Europe in a significant manner - and is indeed also making important contributions in a global perspective. These are two major reasons why Norway is seeking membership in the European Union.
Regional organizations should take on more responsibility for peace-keeping in the future. Nevertheless, we must not confuse the growing need for regional action with the fundamental role of the Security Council as the main guardian of international peace and security.
Nowhere have peace and security been more systematically set aside during the last year than in Africa. The genocide we have witnessed in Rwanda has shocked the entire world, and has brutally reminded us of the horrifying behaviour such conflicts may generate. We are deeply committed to the principle that those charged with crimes against humanity must be brought to trial.
More than ever, Africa needs our support to overcome the prevailing crises. I welcome the increasingly important role played by the Organization of African Unity. Norway stands ready to support regional processes to encourage closer cooperation among African nations with a view to accelerating economic growth and democratization.
Social and economic problems are closely linked to conflict and unrest. A global perspective is needed if solutions are to be found and progress made. No other organization has the potential of the United Nations to provide such a perspective. Development-related economic and social issues must remain high on the United Nations agenda. I therefore welcome the Secretary-General's preliminary report on an Agenda for Development. The five dimensions of development singled out in the report provide a useful framework for thought as well as action. Peace, economic growth, the environment, justice and democracy are indeed the key parameters in our common drive towards a better world for all.
We are now looking forward to the Secretary-General's supplementary report, which we hope will initiate a debate on the appropriate role of the United Nations in global efforts for development, based on the comparative advantages of the Organization.
The International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo will be looked upon as a turning point in the history of population policy as it relates to social development and women's rights. The conclusions will have a wide-ranging impact on democracy-building, educational policies, health-care programmes and the status of women. Both that Conference and next year's World Summit for Social Development and the Fourth World Conference on the Status of Women represent milestones in the effort to renew our commitment to fulfilling basic human needs.
At the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in 1992, we pledged to commit ourselves to fulfilling the challenges of Agenda 21. These include strengthening efforts to change present unsustainable patterns of consumption and production, particularly in the industrialized world. I should like to emphasize the importance of this issue. Norway will continue to promote the efforts of the Commission on Sustainable Development in this respect.
Over the years, the United Nations has taken on an increasingly important role in the field of human rights. For us, this remains a high-priority issue. The close link between democracy, human rights and development has been brought home to us once again by the tragedy of Haiti. Norway fully supports Security Council resolution 940 (1994) and will contribute to restoring democracy and human rights in the troubled country of Haiti.
The establishment of the post of High Commissioner for Human Rights was warmly welcomed by the Norwegian Government. All countries must now cooperate fully with the new High Commissioner. Regrettably, the past year has once again seen unacceptable violations of human rights in many countries, resulting in untold human suffering. We urge all States to ensure that minimum standards for the protection of basic human rights are observed at all times, even during internal conflicts and disturbances.
Freedom of expression is a fundamental human right. My Government remains deeply concerned by the continued threat voiced against Salman Rushdie and all those associated with his works. We repeat our call to the Iranian authorities to remove this extra-territorial and intolerable threat.
For years disarmament and arms control have been central to our deliberations. Today we are facing new challenges in this field. The need for a comprehensive ban on all nuclear testing is indeed a top priority issue. We expect all nuclear Powers to refrain from testing during the ongoing negotiations. Substantial results should be achieved before the 1995 Non-Proliferation Treaty Conference. This would facilitate the indefinite and unconditional extension of the Treaty, which is another item of the utmost importance on our arms control agenda.
The increased risk of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, of nuclear and chemical material, associated technology and means of delivery is a major security challenge that we must take steps to eliminate. The recent attempts to conduct an illegal trade in nuclear material are alarming and demand immediate action.
Increasingly, our security is threatened by the enormous deposits of nuclear waste on land and at sea. We must do everything within our power to counter this risk. The Nordic countries and Russia are planning an international conference on nuclear waste management, in cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). In order to deal with these problems, substantial financial and technological resources will be required. To this end, Norway has proposed the establishment of an international action plan for nuclear waste management, matched by an international fund similar to the nuclear safety account in the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. We call upon the international community to mobilize the resources necessary to deal effectively with these problems.
Before concluding, I would like to draw attention to a matter of great concern to Norway: the necessity to ensure a rational, responsible exploitation of marine resources. This should indeed be a matter of importance to all countries, whether they are coastal States or landlocked. Norway is deeply concerned by the increasing problem of excessive exploitation of straddling and highly migratory fish stocks through unregulated fishing on the high seas. The effectiveness of conservation measures is thus being eroded, and the recovery of stocks is being halted or even reversed by States claiming free access to such stocks. The situation calls for urgent and effective legally-binding measures to counter the threat to important fish stocks and the coastal communities directly dependent on them. Therefore, the outcome of the United Nations Conference on Straddling Fish Stocks and Highly Migratory Fish Stocks will be crucial in this respect. All of us, coastal and fishing States alike, share the responsibility for ensuring that the Conference succeeds in establishing a solid foundation for the long-term conservation and sustainable use of these fish stocks.
In closing, I would like to emphasize the fundamental importance of a sound financial basis for the United Nations to perform its work. It is incumbent on all of us to do what we can in this respect. As we approach next year's anniversary, we owe it to the founders to ensure that the Organization they created - our most important custodian of international peace and global security - is in the possession of the necessary means to discharge all its obligations.
Address by Mr. Ion Iliescu, President of Romania
The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of Romania.
Mr. Ion Iliescu, President of Romania, was escorted into the General Assembly Hall.
On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of Romania, His Excellency Mr. Ion Iliescu, and to invite him to address the Assembly.
It is my pleasure, Sir, to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly. We are certain that your experience and your diplomatic skill will lead to a very positive outcome for the work of this session.
May I at the same time convey to the Secretary-General our profound appreciation of his tireless efforts to adapt the United Nations to the increasingly complex requirements of a changing world.
The structure of the international system, at the end of this century, is experiencing radical changes, particularly the end of the post-war bipolarity, the fall of the Iron Curtain and the end of the cold war. Many new peoples have gained their right to self-determination and democratic development, long repressed by totalitarian regimes. Some succeeded in accomplishing this by peaceful means; others have had to go through tragedies and major conflicts, such as those in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the territory of the former Yugoslavia and the Trans-Dnestr, the Caucasus and Central Asia, former territories of the Soviet Union. Today they are all sources of concern to the international community because of their implications for regional and international peace and security.
The revolutions in Central Europe, whose essential purpose was the restoration of freedom and dignity to the people in that part of the world and their return to traditional democratic values, with respect for fundamental human rights and political pluralism, have inter alia, made more politically homogeneous a part of the continent long marked by ideological and political barriers and confrontation between opposing military blocs.
Europe is undergoing an apparently contradictory evolution. On the one hand, there is a tendency towards the fragmentation of States and a reaffirmation of the national identities and personalities of the central part of the continent and the former Soviet territories. On the other hand, in the West there is a process of integration which is tending to draw in new European States.
Other continents are also undergoing historically important changes.
The Middle East, thanks to the actions of a number of politicians who were bold enough to take the great responsibility of rising out of the inertia there, and running the risks of peace, has entered a process of historic reconciliation which once seemed impossible.
In Latin America, as well as in Asia and the Pacific, dynamic economic zones have been created, thus destroying false assumptions about the inevitability of underdevelopment in two-thirds of the world.
In Africa, the abolition of the policy of apartheid, the reorganization of the Republic of South Africa on democratic lines and the defeat of reactionary racial concepts open up new prospects for cooperation and development for the entire continent.
The dynamics of the world have changed. This creates many questions for the international community, Governments, politicians and political forces. So far the answers have been few and inadequate. But life does not wait. States and people have concrete needs as well as hopes and ideals. Their natural tendency is to act in order to fulfil them, whether or not there exists an organized international framework for harmonizing divergent interests.
This is where international organizations and the United Nations in particular have a role to play. In the effort to decode and evaluate the significance of the highly dynamic and complex developments in the international political arena, several scenarios have appeared in which these developments are viewed as preludes to a new era of confrontation between civilizations. But freeing international relations from ideology does not and must not necessarily lead to confrontation between civilizations. By definition, confrontation is alien to civilization. Civilization is characterized, rather, by tolerance and open-mindedness. Of course, this does not exclude competition between civilizations, between the values they promote, between their capacities to guarantee the free enjoyment of basic human rights and the development of initiative and the human personality. But to establish the conditions of such coexistence between civilizations a restructuring of international relations is required if an optimal framework for the affirmation and development of each people's individuality, as well as prosperity, are to be ensured. From this perspective, the role of the United Nations is essential.
Next year we will be celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the end of the Second World War and, at the same time, the establishment of the United Nations. Like other States in the region, Romania, against its will, was dragged into a conflict that claimed millions of victims and wrought enormous destruction. However, through the determination of all its internal democratic forces - the embodiment of our nation's aspirations - Romania managed to break away from Hitler's war machine and join the coalition of the united nations on 23 August 1944. The great human, material and logistical efforts made by the Romanian people between 23 August 1944 and the final victory of the united nations forces are engraved in the Golden Book of our national history. Even though the status of co-belligerent was not granted to Romania, no one has ever contested the strategic value and political importance of these sacrifices.
We support proposals that in 1995 - the year which marks half a century since the end of the war - the international community should concentrate its efforts on building a climate of peace and giving a decisive impetus to the peaceful settlement of conflicts existing in various regions of the world, thus making next year a true international year of peace.
In this framework, we believe that there is a need to rethink the entire machinery and to adapt the structures of the United Nations to contemporary requirements. Indeed, this rethinking process has already started, and this is to be welcomed. The Secretary-General's "Agenda for Peace" offers excellent material for reflection and action.
In this context, we support the proposals, in our view justified, aimed at reviewing the composition of the Security Council in order to adapt it to today's realities and ensure a better representation of the great geographical regions. In our view, such a limited increase in membership would have to include Germany and Japan among the permanent members of that the Council, taking into account their potential, role and contribution to the activities of the Organization. Certainly, this should not mean the establishment of a "condominium" of the permanent members over the rest of the world. Rather, we see it as a deeper commitment to their responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, which is the main task of the Security Council. In this way, a balance could be achieved between the Council and the General Assembly and the other main bodies within a context of democratic decision-making procedures that would allow all countries to act on a democratic and equal basis in protecting their legitimate interests.
Any rethinking of the structures of the United Nations must take into account the phenomenon of the globalization of international problems, one of the features of today's world. Objective factors of development are increasing the interdependence of States and regions of the world. In one way or another, we are all affected by the tragedies that have unfolded in, for example, the former Yugoslavia, the Trans-Dnestr region, the Caucasus, Rwanda and Haiti. The world economy shows clear trends towards integration on a global scale, a development which affects the interests of all States. The ecological equilibrium of the planet is becoming of vital interest to all regions and summons all States to bear their share of responsibility.
All these phenomena, typical of the late twentieth century, require us to develop an awareness of our planet as a veritable spaceship if our Governments' actions at the international level are to be both effective and convergent. The United Nations system is best placed to encourage and sustain the development of such an awareness.
Today, there is no greater threat to international peace and security and no greater source of tension and conflict among nations than the widening gap between rich and poor States. The corrections already attempted by the international community, including the Decades for Development and various assistance programmes, have not managed to put a halt to these negative trends. This poses a grave threat to the global balance, particularly through the inevitable phenomenon of massive population migration, which is impossible to control, from the underdeveloped areas of the planet to much smaller zones of prosperity in Europe and North America.
It is in mankind's general interest to prevent such a prospect and to preserve its diversity. This can be achieved solely through a determined and enlightened effort on the part of the international community to eradicate underdevelopment and promote the economic growth of the developing countries, thus turning them into the truly equal partners of the developed countries, as is rightly emphasized in the Secretary-General's Agenda for Development. The United Nations system is the most appropriate framework for launching on a global scale a partnership for development, the necessity of which is growing more apparent by the day.
Clearly, such a development must first address the needs and aspirations to progress of the developing countries. At the same time, it should coincide with the interests of the developed countries, which are facing many difficulties today - not on the same scale, of course - by offering them new opportunities to overcome recession and chronic unemployment. The experience of the developed countries themselves demonstrates that economic development inherently leads to an increase in the absorption capacity of national markets and in the degree of economic interaction.
From this viewpoint the European continent is in a position to engage in an experiment that has great relevance for the world economy. Without coordinated action by European States and institutions, the ideological and political barriers characteristic of the period when Europe was divided into opposing military blocs may well be replaced by a new iron curtain, economic in nature, between developed countries and those in transition, because of the gaps between them. Such risks could be eliminated by the ever-growing trend towards integration at the continental level; the construction of a system of economic relations based on equality between the countries of the East and West on the continent, which will help to promote reforms in the Central and Eastern European countries; and the realization of the necessary standards of integration. Those developments could also make a vital contribution to the achievement, in a similar manner, of a partnership for development.
In this connection, international efforts to promote the economic growth of a particular area must not be viewed in terms of competition or rivalry with other areas. Any economic progress in an area that is lagging represents a gain for other areas. In this context, the United Nations system can play a moderating and balancing role in managing, as rationally and effectively as possible, a partnership for development at the global level.
I have referred to some of the major challenges contemporary international developments present to the international community, and to the United Nations in particular, developments with regard to which the latter is particularly called upon to assume the role of organizing cooperation between States to harmonize and safeguard their common interests.
As a democratic State aware of its responsibilities to its people as well as to international peace, security and cooperation, Romania intends to be part of the universal effort to face these challenges. My country's principal contribution to this joint effort consists of consolidating the democratic process and domestic stability. Over the nearly five years since the Revolution of December 1989, the country's face has radically changed. A new Constitution, modern and democratic in nature, has come into force; the totalitarian regime has been abolished and the foundations of a State of law have been laid; the free exercise of fundamental human rights, including the rights of individuals belonging to national minorities, is guaranteed. On that basis, we have created step by step an ever greater degree of domestic stability, which today makes Romania a stabilizing factor in the region. This is an especially remarkable achievement in that it was obtained under difficult international conditions - in particular, the situations of conflict in our immediate neighbourhood and above all the extremely heavy burden which the embargo against Yugoslavia has imposed upon the Romanian economy, with no compensation whatsoever.
To the extent that it can, Romania participates in the efforts of the international community to resolve regional conflicts, primarily those in our own geographical area. We are ready to assume all our responsibilities and make our contribution to peacefully settling those conflicts and ensuring security and calm in a region traumatized by military confrontations and with interests at stake that are not necessarily the same as those of the parties engaged in combat.
In that spirit Romania has fully associated itself with the Partnership for Peace offered by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to the countries of Central Europe and of the former Soviet Union. We believe this new form of interconnection with an institution that constituted a guarantee for the maintenance of peace throughout the European continent will give a better opportunity for peace in Europe and, implicitly, for international peace and security.
Similarly, in a broader context, Romania supports the process of integration at the continental level. It is endeavouring to contribute to this by pursuing a policy of good-neighbourliness and by implementing regional cooperation projects, particularly in the area of Central Europe, the Black Sea and the Danube basin, all of which should accelerate the integration of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe into the structures of the European Union, NATO, the Western European Union and the Council of Europe.
The priority Romania attaches to the European and Euro-Atlantic options, resulting from its history and from geopolitical factors, does not exclude traditional relationships established over the years with countries and areas outside the European continent. On the contrary, as the country's domestic political and social life has become more stable and as its economy has begun to improve, those relations have been renewed and expanded. They are certainly valuable at the bilateral level, but they are also valuable multilaterally, since they strengthen international confidence and trust and develop a global awareness of the fact that the world is shrinking all the time, in terms of both time and space, and that each State shares responsibility for the tranquillity, peace and prosperity of other States.
The extremely complex situations in various parts of the world and the contradictory currents that exist, with all their attendant risks and uncertainties for overall peace and security, demand a democratic vision of the new international order, which must be built, and abandonment of prejudices in relations between States inherited from the cold-war period. But that is not all. I believe that today we need a vision of the management of international relations in which realism and pragmatism predominate. Unfortunately, the after-effects of ideological outlooks still linger in political thinking, distancing us from reality and inevitably influencing policy making. In certain conditions, this can have extremely serious consequences for States and peoples by marginalizing them or even by isolating them from international cooperation. In the medium and long term, such political decisions can only have harmful consequences for international peace and security.
Because of its vocation and its Charter principles, the United Nations is the ideal forum for determining an approach to international problems free from stereotypes and prejudices. To the extent that the United Nations succeeds, all Member States stand to gain - each individually and the international community as a whole. Romania is prepared to participate in this joint effort to build a world of international peace and cooperation, free from conflicts and prejudices.
On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of Romania for the statement he has just made.
Mr. Ion Iliescu, President of Romania, was escorted from the General Assembly Hall.
Mr. Sinunguruza (Burundi), Vice-President, took the Chair.
Agenda item 5 (continued)
General debate
I now call on the Minister of Foreign of Affairs of Sri Lanka, His Excellency the Honourable Lakshman Kadirgamar.
First, let me offer you, on behalf of the Government and people of Sri Lanka, warm congratulations to the President on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-ninth session. We wish him an eminently successful tenure of that high office.
Sri Lanka would also wish to express its gratitude to Ambassador Samuel Insanally of Guyana for his exceptionally creative conduct of the work of the crucial forty-eighth session. Our good wishes extend also to His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Secretary-General of this Organization, who must contend with increasingly challenging tasks at a time when the United Nations is undergoing major transformation.
In Sri Lanka, the winds of change are blowing. In our country, we stand on the threshold of a new era of tolerance and peace, ending dissension. In August this year, the Peoples' Alliance was voted into office, after 17 years in opposition, in a parliamentary general election that was internationally acclaimed as both free and fair. At this election - Sri Lanka's ninth since independence - the people voted overwhelmingly, reaffirming their faith in parliamentary democracy, in fundamental freedoms and in the rule of law. Of the registered electorate, 76.2 per cent cast their vote, thus maintaining Sri Lanka's long tradition of high political consciousness and model election procedures.
What happened on 16 August in my country was more than the routine exercise of the ballot to change a government. In an election atmosphere in which conflicting views were given full rein, the Sri Lanka voter remained mature, calm and solidly entrenched in our cultural and democratic values. The result of the poll was therefore a victory for moderation, tolerance and unity. In my first speech one month ago in our newly elected Parliament, I, as a representative of the minority Tamil community, made a statement that I shall now repeat here, in this supreme parliament of the peoples of the world:
"Let it never be said, if it could ever have been said, that the Sinhala people are racists. They are not. They are absolutely not, and I think this election has demonstrated so handsomely that that particular argument can be laid to rest for ever."
Under the leadership of the new Prime Minister, Mrs. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, a peaceful transition of power has been effected, defying the cynical predictions of some. Our nation's rich and diverse cultural heritage, steeped in the great religions of the world and buttressed by a unique foundation of five legal systems, has made this triumph of democratic expression possible.
Sri Lanka's new Government reflects the multi-ethnic, multi-religious fabric of its society. In Parliament, the Government has the support of a number of political parties, including those of the Tamil and Muslim communities. It is, therefore, well poised to bring an end to the conflict in the north-east part of the country through political negotiations, as mandated by the people. Prime Minister Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, in her first address to the nation on assuming office, stated:
"We extend a hand of friendship to the people of the north-east and hope that their leaders would take it in the same spirit that we have extended it."
The relaxation of the ban on certain essential items going to conflict areas and the reciprocal release of policemen held by the secessionist movement are hopeful signs of peace in our land. The all-island state of emergency has been lifted and reintroduced only in the conflict areas. Our Government will pursue with determination its quest for peace in our land - a just and stable peace, acceptable to all our people - undeterred by any set-backs that might be encountered in pursuit of its goal.
I seek the indulgence of this Assembly for having dwelt on recent developments in my country at some length. I did so because, at a time when in some parts of the world the ugly tide of intolerance is rising, we in Sri Lanka are proud that we have witnessed a vindication of the values of tolerance and principled conduct over the forces of narrow sectarianism and opportunism. Our recent experience might fortify the efforts to banish prejudice and rancour among other peoples elsewhere.
On the international scene, there have been shining examples of prolonged and bitter confrontation being dispelled through dialogue and negotiation. Thus, we welcome wholeheartedly the end of apartheid and the establishment of a united, democratic and non-racial South Africa under the inspired, and inspiring, leadership of President Mandela.
We also welcome the positive developments in Palestine subsequent to the recent agreements between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel, and between Jordan and Israel, while expressing our concern over those issues that still remain unsettled.
On the other hand, to our deep regret Bosnia and Herzegovina is still mired in bloodshed and violence and the humanitarian crisis in Rwanda has not abated. We reiterate our hope that the intense suffering and dislocation in those countries can be halted through negotiated settlement between the parties concerned and politically disinterested efforts by the international community.
Sri Lanka's strong and positive identification with the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries began in Belgrade in 1961, when Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike was Prime Minister. She was Head of Government when Sri Lanka hosted the historic summit of the non-aligned countries in 1976. Our membership of this Movement, then as now, derives from our deep conviction that its principles empower the dispossessed of this world, giving them dignity and hope for justice. The collapse of the bipolarism imposed on the post-Second-World-War international scene is thus no reason for non-alignment to lie passive.
At the Non-Aligned Ministerial Conference in Cairo we were proud to welcome South Africa as the one hundred and tenth member of the Movement. It is significant that this great nation emerging from the long, dark night of apartheid has chosen to adopt the principles of non-alignment. Cynics have predicted that the Movement will sooner or later join the rubble of the Berlin Wall. In our view, the end of the cold war does not negate the rationale of non-alignment. On the contrary, it vindicates the fundamental non-aligned principle that military confrontation can never promote security, stability nor peace among nations. Principles are indestructible: people who believe in them are indomitable.
There seemed a unique opportunity at the end of the cold war for the world to achieve its long pursued objective of general and complete disarmament under effective verification, especially in the crucial area of nuclear weapons. However, competing efforts by some to maintain a monopoly on nuclear weapons and by others to break it frustrate our quest for nuclear disarmament.
Sri Lanka is deeply conscious of the serious responsibility we undertake in presiding over the 1995 on the Non-Proliferation Treaty Conference. It is imperative that our advance towards a nuclear-weapon-free world make substantial progress. To that end, work in the Conference on Disarmament towards a comprehensive test-ban treaty is encouraging, though we must remain vigilant over any attempts to delay the conclusion of the treaty. In other areas of disarmament, Sri Lanka recently ratified the chemical weapons Convention, which we hope will come into force next year.
As we see the end of the nuclear arms race, we do not want to have it replaced by regional arms races, whether to acquire nuclear-weapon capability or to achieve greater sophistication in conventional weapons. The United Nations arms Register is but a step on a long road towards transparency and confidence building, eliminating the arms bazaar, with its links to terrorism, drug trafficking and money-laundering.
Throughout the course of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which spanned a decade, Sri Lanka played a constructive and creative role. The pioneering role played by the late Ambassador Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka, President of the Law of the Sea Conference and a former President of this Assembly, is part of the history of this unique endeavour.
Sri Lanka has ratified the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which has now entered into force, and has signed the Agreement relating to implementation of Part Xl of the Convention. This represents our continuing commitment to the creation of a new legal regime of the oceans. Sri Lanka looks forward to participating in the historic inaugural session of the International Sea-Bed Authority in Jamaica.
The Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, taking into account emerging realities, has developed a fresh basis for a pragmatic, forward-looking approach to peace, security and stability in the Indian Ocean area. We call upon the countries concerned, particularly the permanent Members of the Security Council and other major maritime users of the Indian Ocean, to enter into a serious and productive dialogue for a new partnership in the context of the Committee.
As the Law of the Sea Convention enters into force, greater support needs to be extended to regional initiatives, such as the Indian Ocean Marine Affairs Cooperation (IOMAC), promoting cooperation between the developed and developing countries.
As the United Nations approaches its fiftieth anniversary, there is increasing, and more extensive, resort to multilateral action through the Organization. The Security Council is finally playing the role - and sometimes goes beyond the role - originally envisaged for it under the Charter. Yet we must continue to reiterate that foresight and careful assessment are vital in the preparation for any Council intervention, and that such action should be pursued only with the consent and cooperation of the States concerned.
Furthermore, it is important to emphasize that the Security Council acts on behalf of the general membership of the United Nations. Unless its actions are based on the widest possible support, Council decisions will not be universally respected nor be truly effective. In this context, Sri Lanka is of the view that Council membership should be increased to provide for wider representation, including representation of developing countries. Sri Lanka was honoured to co-chair the Working Group on the revitalization of the work of the General Assembly, including the strengthening of the nexus between the Assembly and the Security Council. We believe the approach we have taken to enhance transparency and encourage democratic practices is one which is shared by the vast majority of developing countries. We feel this process should be moved forward.
It was in this context that in 1993 Sri Lanka announced its candidature for the 1996-1997 non-permanent Asian seat in the Security Council, which by practice of orderly rotation is due to the South Asian sub-region.
Sri Lanka is particularly conscious of its identity as a small State, vulnerable to the ebb and flow of international tides, both political and economic. Yet we have not hesitated to take principled stands when we must. Nor will we shirk our responsibility to act in solidarity with other developing countries. We share their problems and concerns.
Sri Lanka is geopolitically and culturally an Asian country. We rejoice over the fact that our continent, after centuries of dependence, is once more resurgent, politically stable and economically vibrant. This has been achieved largely through self-reliance, indigenous entrepreneurship and the Asian value systems. As we move at the global level to greater interdependence and interaction, Sri Lanka will remain firmly focused on the Asian experience and its Asian context. We will spare no effort to develop and strengthen our ties with our Asian neighbours. An express commitment to pursue the interests we share with the family of Asian nations will be a new, strong thrust in the foreign policy of our Government.
It is in that same spirit that we participated in the launching of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). We are encouraged by the positive developments in SAARC as it journeys into the twenty-first century, propelled by two important trends in the region: democratization and the adoption of market-friendly economic policies. Understanding among the peoples of the region is increasing. Contacts between professional bodies in the region have rapidly gathered momentum.
As a region severely affected by poverty, we in South Asia have already taken steps to share our experiences and work out common approaches including the SAARC commitment to eradicate poverty by the year 2002.
Absolute poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy stalk one fifth of the world's population. We trust that the 1995 World Social Summit and the Agenda for Development will effectively address these issues and mobilize essential resources to back commitments to eradicate poverty, provide employment and promote social cohesion before the end of this century.
Our development experience has taught us the importance of alleviating the poverty of the poorest and of maintaining social equity with economic growth. Sri Lanka's favourable social indicators are the result of a consistent bipartisan commitment over the years to the maintenance of a high level of social expenditure. A number of income-transfer measures are in place. These are indispensable to protection of the vulnerable segments of the population during a period of structural adjustment aimed at accelerating economic growth.
My Prime Minister has made a clear statement on economic policy, in which he indicates the Government's firm resolve to build a strong national economy within a market framework, with the principal engine of growth expected to be the private sector, both domestic and foreign.
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